As quoted by noted Anthropologist and feminist Margaret Mead (1935), “The Nagas recognized that their women have an important contribution to make in their society.” However, the reconstruction of Naga history in the twentieth century has not been free from its silences and selectivity. The historical interest of this work primarily lies in the ‘art of memory.’ and ‘the art of continuity of various crafts.’ When spinning, dyeing, weaving, and painting on cloth practices are becoming a dying art, there is a great need to preserve such craft. Spinning parties held among the Rengma Naga are mentioned, which are sometimes held on terraces. In girls, sleeping houses, Varrier Elwin called the dormitory a ‘dear nurse of arts’ as it was a vital organization of village life. Even pottery making was done by the women folk, especially cooking pots from the Tseminyu village, having their pot-making genes. The concept of patriarchy, which prevails in subsistence societies, conveys respect rather than envy between the genders (Illich, 1982). Significant studies on socio-economic development and sensitive issues of the gender dimensions of the history of these tribal societies are yet to emerge. Jacobs (1990) concludes benevolent in intention, both ethnography and administration, therefore, served a controlling function over the people. They studied the Nagas on behalf of science based on comparative methods, which consulted notes and queries on anthropology to pose questions of interest for wide-scale cultural comparison (Sanglier, 2015). This paper will help in visualizing mythological narratives; visualization of mythological stories happens in a time in which oral transmission of traditions has largely dominated and created a richer milieu of discussion about our traditional education, enlarging our notion of what it means to lead a life of learning today.
